Terrorism and Morality Essay -- September 11 Terrorism Essays

Fear based oppression and Morality   â In the wake of the Sept. 11 assaults of 2001 and the U.S. military activity in Afghanistan, moral inquiries have emerged. This article will think about such inquiries.  Many Church pioneers and driving masterminds in the United States have emphatically shielded the U.S. utilization of military power in the wake of Sept. 11. However outside the States the discussion is less about simply war and progressively about financial and social imbalances. The first and abrogating imbalance Americans face right now is this one: The genuine killers, the designers of these homicides, are alive and resolved to execute once more, while the homicide casualties have been burglarized of their lives, their prospects, their expectations, dreams and families. In excess of 5,000 guiltless individuals kicked the bucket because of fanatic executioners in a solitary day in September(CNN), and others keep on dieing through what seems, by all accounts, to be bioterrorism(Bio).  Americans see this all the more plainly, and feel it all the more distinctly, than outcasts since Americans are legitimately connected as the objective of the brutality. Untouchables are not, so their viewpoint is typically unique.  I believe that tokens of the social and monetary imbalances on the planet fill a significant need. Yet, no administration can keep its authenticity on the off chance that it neglects to shield its kin. The shameful acts on the planet can never be utilized to contextualize or pardon mass homicide. Also, the United States is in no way, shape or form the main wellspring of the worldâ's social and monetary disparities. America bears heavier good commitments for its activities in view of its flourishing and force, however in the Muslim nations and all through the Third World, rulers have reliably misused their own kin, with or without Western inclusion. Sin isnâ't a... ...ht to an existence unafraid. The incongruity, obviously, is that a huge number of Arab-Americans are really Christians whose families regularly went to the United States to get away from financial separation and strict terrorizing in the Muslim nations of the Middle East.  I accept that notwithstanding our blemishes and sins, Americans are a decent people - and furthermore an incredible people. We get an opportunity in the United States to show the world that Christians, Jews, Muslims and individuals of different religions and no confidence can live respectively in shared regard and harmony. Regardless of whether Americans today have the character to achieve that objective is not yet clear. It must be demonstrated again in each new age.  SOURCES CITED:  Bioterrorism Articles. http://pubs.ama-assn.org/bioterr.html  CNN Online News. http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/2001/commemoration/  Â

Final Worldview Paper Free Essays

Everybody has an alternate perspective whether it is their religion or law. In any case, since we tune in and read about different religions doesn't mean we follow and trust them. I will include that a perspective encourages me to get life and reality in various pieces of the world. We will compose a custom article test on Last Worldview Paper or on the other hand any comparable theme just for you Request Now Individuals need to have a perspective to comprehend their motivation throughout everyday life. Questions and Answers from my Own Worldview Perspective Who is God and what are His Characteristics? Christians accept that God made the universe and all inside. He is the god-like. We are invited into a relationship with Him so we will get to now Him by and by, and personally. â€Å"Let not the shrewd man brag of his shrewdness or the resilient man gloat of his quality or the rich man brag of his wealth, however let him who flaunts gloat about this: that he comprehend and knows me, that am Lord, who practices graciousness, equity and uprightness on earth, for in these I delight,† proclaims the Lord. (Jeremiah 9:23,24) What is a Human Being and what Happens When One Dies? The sacred writing peruses that God made man and lady in the picture of Him. At the point when He made us, he gave us a spirit and soul. Our body exists as a shell; our spirit is our inward sentiments, for example, our feelings. The soul is our psyche, where we hear the murmur of God driving us in the correct ways of our life. Accept that when we bite the dust the body is come back to the earth and our spirit keeps on living on with God. At that point will the residue come back to the earth as it seemed to be; and the soul will return unto God who gave it. (Minister 12:7) What is the Nature of the Universe? Christians realize that God made the universe as indicated by His will. Presently my perspective influences all that I accept about God, marriage, training and he way we brought up our kids. He made all that is and all that will be always known to mankind. Regardless of what different perspectives exist, Christians realize that God made the Heaven and the earth, which is the universe. God permits His youngsters to see His manifestations as indicated by his Word and it is dependent upon Christians to have a relationship with Him (Salesladies, 2013). How would You Know What You Know? How would you Know what is True? While growing up my grandparents showed me the family directly from wrong. I likewise comprehend what I know by going to chapel, tuning in to the minister, and perusing the Bible. This class has shown me perspectives had never known about. It additionally showed me various approaches to comprehend and inquire about the Bible. I recognize what I know since God made me to be everything I can be and to follow my fantasies by rehearsing the intensity of positive bearing Sakes, 2008). This is the manner by which recognize what I know. What is Right and Wrong or How would we be able to Know there is a Right from Wrong? Realizing good and bad ought not be an issue for any Christian. Christians realize that the Word is correct and that there is no other option. Realizing that you have a solid relationship with God is correct enough for e. Individuals can tune in to who and anything they desire to get the Word, yet until they open the Holy Bible and get it for themselves, they won't know the distinction (Wright, 2004). Is Life Pointless or is there Purpose? I accept that God made everything and everybody for His motivation. I likewise trust Christians given this endowment of adoration to fill just Him for His needs. With this said all of Gods’ youngsters are here for an explanation, some discover their explanation sooner than others do, however as long as I accept and trust in Him will discover my way throughout everyday life. I accept that everything God works for good with the individuals who love Him, those whom he has called by His motivation. (Romans 8:28) What Core Commitments are Consistent with my Worldview? Effect on My Life? The center duties and textures throughout my life comprise of my otherworldly life, family, and training. These are the territories throughout my life attempt to keep predictable. Being a predictable individual truly helps in light of the fact that in addition to the fact that I have to focus on my instruction I need to focus on my sons’ also. Give a valiant effort to keep Christ at the bleeding edge or our life. Settling on this choice is meeting I attempt to day ordinary (Jakes, 2008) My Worldview Compared to the Christian Worldview I attempt to require some investment from every day to peruse His statement so that can proceed with my relationship with Him. Additionally attempt to enable my family to live by His promise likewise, by sharing what have realized. There are times when I may end up floating away from the Word. That is the point at which I have a little talk with Jesus. Since I know, He will keep me on the way to honorableness. Along these lines, I truly accept my perspective is one of a Christian perspective. Pondering My Worldview How does my Worldview Perform in the Tests of Worldviews? Any Christian, who knows God, realizes that He is the proportion of all things. Also, we ought to be God-focused He is the motivation behind why we are here today and the motivation behind why we have faith in His laws. Everybody appears to have their own perspective about the universe. A Christian perspective is all know and am glad for that experience. With respect to the next perspectives, I can't place myself in the situation to pass judgment on them Sakes, 2008). How does my Worldview influence my Thoughts and Actions? During this class, found that my Christian perspective influences my considerations and my activities. I realize that I am whom I am a direct result of Him and I do my est. to serve Him by being patient and kind to other people, since I need others to be benevolent to me. I likewise put forth a valiant effort to tune in to the murmur in my spirit as I probably am aware it is Him talking and driving me the correct way as settle on choices during the day and night. He is the manager of my heart and know this (Jakes, 2008). How has my Worldview Changed through the span of this Class? My perspective progressed while in this class. This class was not as troublesome as I suspected once I got over the restless inclination. Partaken in associating the sacred writings together and summing up the sections. There Was a ton Of perusing, however I comprehended the inquiries better once read the data. I should state that educated more in this class about the Bible than had at any point known and I am appreciative for those seven weeks of perusing, composing, and conversations. This class has helped me comprehend that I do have a perspective and that it isn't only a sentiment (Wright, 2004). End This paper has helped me make me fully aware of my own perspective. In the first place, I portrayed the perspective suspicions as it applied to my life and me. A few inquiries were replied as they identified with my perspective. The most effective method to refer to Final Worldview Paper, Papers

A recipe for releasing decisions

A recipe for releasing decisions We decided to bake this enormous pie to remind you that MIT Regular Action decisions will be available online next week, on Thursday, March 14 at 6:28 PM Eastern Time. Next week, when decisions are made available, you will need to access decisions.mit.edu and log in using the same username and password that you use to sign into your MyMIT account. There will be no interim screens, so you should be sure you are ready to receive your decision before signing in to decisions.mit.edu. In order to verify that you will receive a decision on the 14th, you should visit decisions.mit.edu  and log in with your MyMIT username and password. We recommend you do this now to make sure everything works for you. Strange things happen to people who dont verify they will receive their decision! If youve forgotten your MyMIT username and/or password, you may use our automated system to reset it. Visit MyMIT and click on the forgotten username or password links beneath the login box on the left. Admissions decisions will be available exclusively online. Decisions will not be released via email, snail mail, carrier pigeon, carrier dragon, or  intergalactic radio broadcast. However, following the release of admissions decisions, we  will  be mailing admitted students additional,  cylindrical  information.

Reconstruction Johnson s Plans And His Battles With...

Reconstruction Johnson’s Plans and His Battles With Congress: Republican Abraham Lincoln chose Democratic Senator from Tennessee, in 1864, to be his vice presidential candidate. Abraham Lincoln was on the lookout for Southern support. He was hoping that choosing Johnson, would appeal the Southerners who never planned on leaving the union. Johnson also grew up in poverty. He hadn’t learned to write until he was around 20yrs old. He rose up to political power as a â€Å"backer† of a small farmer. In many of his speeches he rallied against â€Å"slaveocracy.† Unless something horrible happened to the president, the views and opinions of the Vice President don’t really mean that much. After Lincoln’s assassination, Johnson’s views became very†¦show more content†¦A small number of Confederate leaders were persecuted. Around 7,00 Presidential pardons were granted by 1866. Although, brutal African American beatings were frequent. But still, powerful whites strived to â€Å"conquer† freed slaves through harsh laws, which are known as the â€Å"Black Codes.† Some of the states made it mandatory to have written proof of employment for the coming year, or else the freed slave would have to go back to work on the plantation. In some states, like South Carolina, African Americans had to pay a certain tax if they weren’t servants or farmers. They weren’t even allowed to do any fishing or hunting in certain areas. African Americans weren’t able to own guns, and if they had any dogs, THEY WERE EVEN TAXED!! There was a federal agency, known as the Freedmen s Bureau, which helped slaves with their transition from slavery to Emancipation. It was â€Å"thwarted† since it tried to â€Å"provide welfare for the newly emancipated.† All of this resulted in many of the freed slaves, staying dependent on the plantation for work. Johnson’s policies were originally supported by most of the Northerners, and even some of the Republicans. However, there wasn’t any agreement on the rights of the African American’s based on the Emancipation. But a group of Radical Republicans desired that the rights be promised in the Declaration of Independence and extended to ALL free men, including the freed

Martin Luther King and Two other Reasons the Human Race...

Human beings are the epitome of contradictory. As a whole we have so many accomplishments to take pride in, yet at the same time we have caused so many tragedies where the means do not justify the ends. Regardless of the fact that we are the utmost confusing race to ever exist, human beings should be spared from the wrath of the aliens because human beings are constantly developing and surely that is something to be proud of. Throughout the genealogy of all human beings, there have been specific human beings who were born and changed the way we have lived – forever. For example, Martin Luther King Jr. The man has a day reserved to him in honor of his social accomplishment. If that does not speak the magnitude of significance about this human accomplishment, then I do not understand what will. Martin Luther King Jr. fought against the socially corrupt principal of racism under a society who severally persecuted anyone who tried to swim against the current of racism. Not only di d he fight racism, he fought it with his piercing words instead of physical weapons. Under all odds a human being changed not only the hearts and minds of the human race, but the social manners that Martin Luther King Jr. believed should be within all humans: everybody in this Earth is equal. His social revamp also created a causal chain. Although overcoming racism carries large importance, Martin Luther King Jr.’s accomplishment resonates to other generations beyond his. Even today we are fightingShow MoreRelatedMalcolm X And The Civil Rights Era1852 Words   |  8 Pagesto prominence during the Civil Rights era. 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Time Bank Free Essays

Time bank is a unique organisation that holds vast amount of knowledge and skills belonging to its customer. The way time bank operates is by allowing individuals to exchange their knowledge, skills with others. The concept of the Time Bank is based on the fact that people are all individually different, we all have different types of knowledge and we all have different set of skills, no one is good at everything, the typical situation is that we only have the capacity to be good at certain things and not all things. We will write a custom essay sample on Time Bank or any similar topic only for you Order Now In a world without Time Bank, we have to pay for things we can’t do, for example I am not an expert with computers, if my computer breaks down then I would have to pay for someone to fix it. However, with the existence of Time Bank, I can exchange a skill which I am good at for someone else’s help with the repair of my computer. To illustrate this example more specifically, If a member of the Time Bank has spent two hours repairing my computer then that person would have banked two hours worth of time with the Bank, in another word, that person will have two hours worth of credit. When that person needs help with something he has difficulty with, he is entitled to two hours free help from another individual. So individuals can build up their credit by helping others with things that they are good at. This way, people can save time and money in dealing with difficult tasks. It is clear that Time Bank offers a service that many needs, but no such provider exists in the current market in Colchester. However, as Time Bank is such a new concept promotion of the Bank is vital. Effective promotional method needs to be used to introduce people to this new concept.I shall look into these methods in the rest of this essay, but before doing so, it is important to assess who would use Time Bank, i. e. its target audience. 2. Target Audience: One of the key reason that people will want to use Time Bank will be because that they can save money, from this it follows that Time Bank is unlikely to attract very wealthy individuals. Further, it is likely that only people who can offer knowledge or skill in return will use the Bank, this will mean that the younger and older groups are probably excluded from the target audience, as they are likely to be limited with the help they can offer.So, main target group of Time Bank is likely to be working individuals and possibly students. So, we have to have this in mind when selecting the promotion methods for the Bank. 3. Advertising: Placing adverts on local newspapers, radios and internet, magazines and possibly on television may be a good way to build the awareness of the Bank’s presence. Yellow pages is another idea, however, with the expansion of the internet Yellow pages is not as much used by people as before. So, instead, it may be a better idea to place advert on the internet, for example, Yell Colchester.With newspapers and radios it will be a good idea to place the advert on popular Colchester local papers and local radio stations such as BBC Essex and Heart Essex. In terms of magazines, if possible, it would be a good idea to select magazines that our target audience is most likely to read, something like magazines advising on money matters or D. I. Y. magazines (as it is likely that people who are interested in D. I. Y will find it more enjoyable to exchange their skills and bank their time with the Time Bank). Putting up adverts on the internet is also a good idea, an excellent website to place advert is www. sk. com, as people who go on to ask. com will normally be in the need for some kind of help, so an advert on this website will capture some of our key audiences. It may be a better idea to take advantage of free advertising, such as placing adverts on Gumtree Colchester. Putting up posters in University campus may also be a good idea, students are likely to be a key user of the Time Bank, the reason being that students do not earn any income as a result they are likely to prefer to save money by using the Time Bank.Sponsoring a University newsletter or website is another idea to build awareness in the student market, the sponsorship will enable Time Bank’s logo to appear and be seen by students. In terms of working individuals, it may be a good idea to put up posters in job searching agencies such as Reed, or paying for an advertising space on job searching websites. Distributing leaflets is another possible idea, we could position few leaflet distributors on busy locations in Colchester, such as city centre dur ing busy times such as weekends. 4. Publicity:Publicity is a great way to promote the Time Bank, as most publicity can be done for free and more details of the Time Bank can be exposed compared to the advertising option. Writing articles on topic related to the Time Bank: The Time Bank can write an article relating to saving time and money and try to place it on to publications that our target audience might read, as mentioned before, magazine relating to money matters or D. I. Y. magazines are possible options. To target students it may be a good idea to write articles for school newsletters.However, the problem that we may encounter with this promotion method is that there is no guarantee that the article we write will be accepted and published by our preferred magazines. So, to enhance the chance of our article being published it is a good idea to provide a well written article. Magazines, tends to have a long lead time, writing articles for internet magazines might be a better option, as there are higher demand for articles with internet magazines. Newspaper is another source we can supply our articles to.Newspapers have a much shorter lead time than magazines and they are often looking for materials. So, it may be a good idea looking to writing an article to local Colchester newspapers. Press releases: Sending out press releases to local newspapers is another effective promotional tool. However, the press release must be newsworthy in order for it to be published by local newspapers. The fact that there is no other organisation that is providing the same type of service as the Time Bank will make the press release newsworthy. Online Forums:Posting message on online forums is a cost effective way of promotion. There will be tons of D. I. Y forums, money savings forums, student forums etc on the net, posting messages or answering queries posted by other people will promote the Time Bank. When answering queries, we can post a link of the time bank’s website or/ and explain the workings of the Time Bank in the process of answering. www. Ask. com is another great internet place to get free advertising; free advertising can be gained by answering queries posted by people on the Q amp; A page.Try to get an interview slot on local radio shows: It will be ideal is a interview slot can be secured on either Heart Essex or BBC Essex, as these two stations are quite popular stations it will mean that they will reach out to a wide rage of audience. An interview discussing the how the Time Bank works will not only give Time Bank free advertising but also can enable people a better understanding of what Time Ban is and how it works. And this is important due to the fact that the Time Bank is such a new concept. 5. Conclusion – evaluation of the promotional methods:In the above sections I have discussed many possible promotional methods for the Time Bank. Each method have its pros and cons; advertising on the television, radio, newspapers, internet and magazines are an effective way of reaching a wide audience and is a good way of building brand awareness of Time Bank. But, such way of advertising can be costly. It was mentioned that it is possible to get free advertising from certain websites such as Gumtree Colchester, it is suggested that free advertising offered by websites should be taken full advantage of.I then looked into ways of promotion by gaining free publicity on magazines, local newspapers, local radios and internets. I think that emphasis should be placed on these types of promotion, the reason being that such methods are cost effective and it will enable people to get a better understanding of the Time Bank. Time Bank, being a new thing in the market will mean that careful explanations on the concept and workings will be needed for people to fully understand. With the advertising methods, only limited information can be displayed, but with publicity much more detail can be introduced. So, the best way to promote in my view is to select a few paid advertising methods that can target our key audiences, such as putting a paid advert on ask. com and on yell. Colchester and take advantage of free online advertising as much as possible to build Time Bank’s brand awareness. A big part of the promotion should be based on publicity, efforts should be devoted to try to get articles and press releases published in relevant magazines, and newspapers etc and get interview slots on popular local radio stations such as Heat Essex and BBC Essex. How to cite Time Bank, Essays

Wild Turkey Essays - Game Birds, Bird Anatomy, Bird Topography

Wild Turkey The wild turkey, the largest game bird in North America, is related to pheasants, quail, and grouse. It is found throughout the United States, except for Alaska, and in parts of Canada and Mexico. There are five recognized sub-species, which vary slightly, in color and size. The male wild turkey, called the tom or the gobbler, is a large robust bird weighing upt o 30 pounds and standing as high as four feet tall. His body color is brownish black with a metallic, iridescent sheen. The head and neck, nearly bald, vary from white to blue to red. Bright red, fleshy bumps, called carnucles, droop from the front and sides of the neck, and a fleshy flap of skin, called a dewlap, is attached to the throat and neck. A fingerlike protrusion called a snood hangs over the front of the beak. When the tom is alert, the snood constricts and projects vertically as a fleshy bump at the top rear of the beak. A clump of long, coarse hairs, called a beard, protrudesfrom the front of the tom's breast and may grow as long as 12 inches on older birds. Each leg has a spur on it; these spurs are small and rounded on young birds; long, pointed and usually very sharp on older birds. The male is called a gobbler for a good reason:his rattling, deep-toned call is one of the most recognizable sounds in all of nature. At mating time, toms gobble with full-volume gusto, attempting to attract hens for breeding. Adult males display for hens by fanning their tail feathers, puffing up their body feathers and dragging their wings as they strut. Their heads and neck turn bright red during breeding season or when the tom is otherwise excited. Adult females, or hens, are considerably smaller than toms, rarely weighing more than 10 to 12 pounds. Their overall body color is duller than themale's and lacks his metallic, iridescent sheen. The hen's head and neck are usually blue-grey color and sparsely covered with small, dark feathers. Caruncles are sometimes present, but smaller than those on toms. Some hens grow small beards and spurs. Although they dont gobble, hens make a variety of cluck, purr, cutt and yelp sounds. Dominant hens may assert thenselves with a display resembling that of a male, though they do not strut. Juvenile birds mature quickly. By their fifth month, the juvenile male(jake) and juvenile female(jenny) closely resemble adult birds. However, juveniles have dark legs, which turn pink as the birds age. Jakes make feeble gobbles, higher pitch than the calls of mature toms. Their beards are shorter in length and usually have amber colored tips. With its powerful legs, the wild turkey is and exceptional runner, and has been clocked at speeds up to 12 mph. Although strong short- distance flier, turkeys usually run when threatened. When necessary for escape, turkeys launch thenselves with a standing leap or a running start to accelerateto 35 mph in a matter of seconds. They cannot remain in the air for more than a few hundred yards, but can glide for half a mile or more when coasting down from a ridge. Regardless of region, wild turkeys require three elements if they are to survive, water, trees, and open grassy areas, Turkeys may be found in areas where one or more of these elements is in short supply, but the population is unlikly to flourish. Throughout most of their range

Management and Mitchell Essay Example

Management and Mitchell Essay Example Management and Mitchell Essay Management and Mitchell Essay Presented by: LEE CHAI LING 803654 Synopsis * Carl Mitchell took a job offer in the branch office of General Products, Inc. , multinational consumer products corporation at the British. * Two months later, Mitchell was miserable with his general manager – George Garrow. * Garrow is a uncritical thinking style by accept what his leaders’ idea. He make sure always by â€Å"keeping his nose clean† and not making errors, which he complete task by avoiding controversial and risky decisions. Mitchell always been asked to provide more data which he think are irrelevant when manager cannot make decision. Cont’d * Garrow seem terrified of departing from the status quo. * He measured progress by hours spent in the office, and expected all the staff will do same. * After 4 months, the branch business was slipping. Mitchell argue need implement new pricing and promotion strategies. * Mitchell was told be patience and maintain the old management style. Soon after, have two product managers quit. Q1: How would you evaluate Mitchell as a follower? Evaluate his courage and style. Answer: * think for himselves and carry out assignments with energy and enthusiasm. * He committed to something outside his own self-interest. * He is carry effective follower style, which a critical, independent thinker and active in the organization. * He is participate willingly what he is being asked to do, but he do not try to avoid risk or conflict. * He keep ask Garrow for making change in organization, meanwhile also follow superior instruction to prepare long proposal and data. * Mitchell has the courage to serve. He can provide strength to his leader by supporting the leader’s decisions and by contributing to the organization in areas that complement the leader’s position. * So far, Mitchell experience provide 30 more pages of data, most of data are irrelevant. * spent weeks preparing graphs and charts, but leader act waffling when viewing data and request for others more information. Q2: If you were Mitchell, what would you do now? Answer: * Be proactive. He has ability to choose and to act integrity. * He can use persuasion as a source of personal power. He has to speak up to leaders when think leader do wrong, and tell leader what he think. The knowledge and skills that follower own can be influence the leader decision. * Help the leader be a good leader. Rather than complaining at the back, try look way the leader can improve their management skills. * The courage to leave. When feel with the existing leader or an organization unwilling to make necessary changes, it is time to leave this company. Q3: If you were Garrow’s boss and Mitchell came to see you, what would you say? Answer: * Develop and communicate strong beliefs. bring subordinate aboard, excite them about his vision, and earn their support. * Leader also is a follower at one time situation. * He need follow management decision. The organization is depend on one another. * Think Win-Win * Understanding that without cooperation, the organization cannot succeed. * Building relationship with followers Minimize the boundaries between leader and followers. * Try to be honest and competent when followers hope to get explanation from leader side. * From the conversation, build a trust to the Mitchell and give positive feedback.

How to Write a Perfect Home Health Aide Resume (Examples Included)

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Growth through Internationalisation among Entrepreneurial Firms Essay

Growth through Internationalisation among Entrepreneurial Firms - Essay Example . The study of internationalization and its effects on growth of entrepreneurial firms have been studied using secondary data from relevant articles. These articles are chosen based on its topic and content, which is relevant in the study of internationalization and its effect on the growth of entrepreneurial companies. Each of the articles is thoroughly analyzed and the information recovered from them is used to discuss its implications on entrepreneurial activities. The journal article by Buckley and Hashai is chosen for its analysis. Their article â€Å"Formalizing internationalization in the eclectic paradigm† is based on an equilibrium model which describes internationalization in the light of competitive advantage. It explains why firms adopt overseas expansion strategies and how it acts on behalf of their growth. The aim and objective of this article are to establish a formalized theory on internationalization in the light of eclectic paradigm by reconfiguring certain ne o-classical economic theories. A set of inequalities has been formulated to establish the role of eclectic paradigm in overseas expansion. The equilibrium is based on the concept of ownership advantage, location advantage, and internalization advantage which has been incorporated into the general equilibrium model, mostly preferred by economists. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is explained as an operation model which maximized the utility of workers and entrepreneurs simultaneously. A firm adopts an overseas operation only when the total utility received from FDI activities in a host country is more than the total utility received from the exports, domestic consumption and inward FDI. The three elements of the eclectic paradigm are ownership, location and internalization advantages. These are continuous in nature and often tend to support each other. The decrease in one advantage can be compensated by the other two. These competitive advantages are leveraged by the entrepreneurial firms to enhance their growth overseas and gain an edge over its competitors.

Frederick Douglas Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Frederick Douglas - Essay Example At the age of only a few weeks, Douglass separated from his mother and was ultimately raised by his grandparents. However, at the age of six years, Douglass’ grandmother unexpectedly took him to his master’s plantation to reside. At eight years of age, Douglass was sent to live with Hugh and Sophia Auld who were his master’s relatives. While living with the Auld family, Sophia Auld began to teach Douglass how to read and write, which was contrary to state laws (Houston, 1986). Douglass escaped slavery when he attained 20 years, married and moved to Massachusetts where he adopted the name â€Å"Douglass† and started to talk on behalf of abolitionism. Ultimately, Douglass embarked on a three-year speaking tour through northern cities creating public support for the abolitionist cause by informing and educating audiences regarding the detriments of slavery. Douglass’ primary communication style was a rhetorical speech style. In the year 1845, Douglass wrote his initial autobiography and named it Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave. The book was quite moving and addressed the virtue of the abolitionist movement by relaying Douglass’ struggle to seek freedom. Notably, Douglass identified his slave owner by name, and his book ultimately became a bestseller. However, since the book revealed Douglass’ identity, he was compelled to exile in England so as to avoid seizure by slave traders (Huggins & Handlin, 1997). In 1846, Douglass’ British slavery abolitionist friends bought his freedom. Consequently, Douglass returned to the US in 1847 and moved to Rochester, New York where he launched his abolitionist newspaper referred to as The North Star. Douglass’ children assisted his publish the four-page newspaper. Douglass’ involvement with the Underground Railroad intensified in the mid 1850s following the increased strength of the abolitionist movement. Douglass often housed con ductors such as Harriet Tubman at his home while the conductors were en route to Canada. The infamous Dred Scott Supreme Court decision of 1857 in which the court ruled that the US Constitution did not recognize the fundamental rights of black people infuriated Douglass and intensified the national debate regarding slavery. When the Civil War started in the year 1861, Douglass perceived it as a moral crusade to create a true democracy by freeing slaves. Throughout the course of the war, Douglass traveled across the country requesting President Lincoln to put an end to slavery and enroll black troops into the war effort. Douglas played a pivotal role in the recruitment of black soldiers into the Union Army after President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. Since then, Douglas became Lincoln’s advisor throughout the Civil War. Douglass advocated for constitutional revisions, which would outlaw slavery and allow blacks a legally provided place in the American society. The 13th Constitutional Amendment illegalized slavery while the 14th Constitutional Amendment provided citizenship rights to all persons born in the US, and the 15th Amendment permitted voting to males aged over 21 years. After the conclusion of the Civil War, Douglass held numerous government posts, for instance, in 1877, President Rutherford Hayes appointed Douglass a Federal Marshal for Washington DC. In 1889, Douglass became Haiti’s Minister and in the 1890s; he went back to lecture circuit so as to denounce lynching

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di